Economic Law & Competition Economics
The chair's own discipline. What economic law means in the European sense, the schools of thought you will hear invoked, the economics a lawyer needs with the formulas, and complexity economics — which is his position and not the mainstream one.
0. Why this chapter, and what the term means
Economic law — *droit économique*, *Wirtschaftsrecht* — is a continental European category with no clean Anglo-American equivalent. It is broader than antitrust: it covers the whole legal framework of economic activity. Competition law sits inside it alongside state aid, sector regulation, the internal market freedoms, consumer protection and trade.
1. The schools of thought, and where he sits
Competition law has been fought over by successive schools, each with a different answer to *what is competition for*. You need to recognise the names, because they get invoked as shorthand.
The schools, on two axes
| School | Core claim | What it implies for enforcement | Where it fails |
|---|---|---|---|
| Harvard / structuralism | Market structure determines firm conduct, which determines economic performance. Concentration is itself the problem | Break up concentrated markets; treat high share as presumptively bad | Structure turned out to be a poor predictor of conduct. Concentrated markets can be fiercely competitive |
| Chicago | Markets self-correct; most apparently anticompetitive conduct has an efficiency explanation. The only legitimate goal is consumer welfare, measured as price and output | Intervene rarely, and only on demonstrated price effects. Error costs of over-enforcement exceed under-enforcement | Assumes rational actors and reversible entry. Badly placed to handle zero-price markets, network effects and data |
| Post-Chicago | Game theory shows strategic conduct — raising rivals' costs, foreclosure, predation — can be rational and harmful | Case-by-case economic analysis. The effects-based approach the Commission adopted | Expensive, slow and indeterminate. Duelling experts, and the burden sits on the authority |
| Neo-Brandeisian | Consumer welfare was always too narrow. Concentration harms workers, suppliers, innovation and democratic self-government — bigness is a political problem | Structural presumptions, *ex ante* rules, scepticism of efficiency defences. Intellectual backdrop to much of the DMA's design | He is explicitly critical of it. Restores structure as a proxy without fixing why structure was abandoned, and conflates distinct harms under one label |
| Austrian / Schumpeterian | Competition *is* the process of disruption. Monopoly profit is the prize that induces the next entrant — a temporary monopoly can be the engine, not the pathology | Protect the possibility of entry rather than current market structure. Be slow to intervene against innovation | Hard to falsify, and prone to excusing durable positions as temporary |
| Complexity economics | Markets are adaptive systems that evolve rather than settle. Outcomes emerge from interactions; feedback, path dependence and non-linearity are normal rather than exceptional | Assess trajectories and contestability rather than snapshots. Expect emergence; be humble about prediction | His own position, and the open problem is operationalising it — a theory of markets as complex systems does not yet yield a test an authority can apply |
2. The economics a lawyer actually needs, with the formulas
Six concepts carry most of the work in a competition case. Each has a formula, and knowing the formula lets you say where the measurement is fragile — which is your job rather than producing the estimate.
| Concept | Plain meaning | Why digital markets break it |
|---|---|---|
| Market definition | The set of products and geography within which competition is assessed. Everything else — share, dominance, HHI — is computed inside it | Zero prices make SSNIP undefined; multi-sided platforms serve distinct groups who are not substitutes for each other; ecosystems compete across several markets at once. The Commission revised its Market Definition Notice in 2024 partly for these reasons |
| Network effects | The product gets more valuable as more people use it. Direct within one side, indirect across sides | Creates tipping: beyond a threshold the market may flip to one winner, so a share snapshot taken before tipping and after measures different things |
| Two-sided / multi-sided markets | A platform serving distinct groups whose value depends on each other — buyers and sellers, users and advertisers | Pricing below cost on one side can be rational rather than predatory, so single-market predation tests give wrong answers. This is the core analytical difficulty in platform cases |
| Switching costs and lock-in | What it costs a user to leave — data, learning, contracts, network. Lock-in by historical events is Arthur's phrase | Interoperability and portability duties in the DMA are direct attempts to lower these, which makes the DMA a theory-driven instrument rather than a list of grievances |
| Contestability | Whether a position *could* be challenged, regardless of whether anyone currently is | The concept the DMA is built on — the word appears in its own objectives. It is forward-looking and therefore closer to the dynamic view than to a share snapshot |
| Barriers to entry | What stops a new competitor. Sunk costs, regulation, scale, and in digital markets data and compute access | This is where the GenAI layer-interaction argument bites: a training-efficiency advance can collapse a compute barrier overnight |
3. Complexity economics — his position, properly
| Complexity concept | What it means | The competition-law consequence |
|---|---|---|
| Emergence | System-level patterns arise from local interactions and are not properties of any participant. No individual firm *contains* the market structure | Supra-competitive pricing can emerge without an agreement to characterise. The algorithmic-collusion literature is exactly this, and Article 101 needs a meeting of minds that may simply not exist |
| Non-linearity | Small causes can have large effects and vice versa. Responses are not proportional to inputs | Remedy design becomes genuinely hard: a proportionate-looking intervention can have an outsized effect, or none. It also means effects are not reliably extrapolable from a counterfactual |
| Path dependence / increasing returns | Where early advantage compounds, outcomes depend on history rather than on efficiency. Arthur's lock-in by historical events | A dominant position may be an accident of sequence rather than evidence of merit — which cuts against the Chicago inference from durability to efficiency |
| Feedback loops | Output becomes input. More users give more data, improving the product, attracting more users | Schrepel and Pentland's point about foundation models: strong loops mean firms compete *for* the market rather than *in* it — but the strength of the loop differs by model type, which is the qualification that makes it an empirical question rather than a slogan |
| Adaptive agents | Participants change their behaviour in response to the system, including in response to being regulated. Agents face ill-defined situations rather than solved optimisation problems | Enforcement is part of the system it observes. Deploy a screen and the conduct adapts to it — which is the concept-drift point, arrived at from economics instead of machine learning |
| Ecosystems | Systems whose agents interact such that the interactions create patterns affecting the environment, which in turn shapes each agent's behaviour | His working hypothesis is that ecosystems — now routinely invoked by agencies — can only be properly understood through complexity science, and that enforcers have shown limited interest in it so far |
Static against complexity assessment, on the same market
4. Dynamic competition, predatory innovation, ecosystems
| Idea | What it holds | His connection to it |
|---|---|---|
| Dynamic competition | Competition over time through innovation and entry, rather than price rivalry within a fixed market. The relevant question is whether a position is contestable, not whether it is large | He co-founded the Dynamic Competition Initiative with Nicolas Petit. If asked, treat this as the research programme and complexity science as its method |
| Predatory innovation | Innovation deployed not to serve users but to disadvantage rivals — a technical change whose primary effect is exclusion. Breaking interoperability, for instance, with no user benefit | His own book, *L'innovation prédatrice en droit de la concurrence*. The analytical difficulty is that courts are rightly reluctant to call innovation an abuse, so the test has to separate genuine improvement from exclusion dressed as improvement |
| Ecosystems | Interdependent products and services across multiple markets, where competition happens between ecosystems rather than within any single market | He has written a working theory of ecosystems in antitrust via complexity science, noting agencies now use the concept while showing little interest in the science that would make it coherent |
| Error-cost framework | Enforcement choices are decisions under uncertainty, so the question is the relative cost of false positives and false negatives | Not distinctively his, but it is your best bridge: it is a statistical decision problem stated in legal language, and you can formalise it |
5. The rest of economic law, briefly
Skim this. You will not be examined on it, but knowing the shape of the field prevents a blank look if someone refers to it.
| Area | Provision | One line |
|---|---|---|
| Competition | Arts 101, 102 TFEU; Reg 1/2003; EUMR | Agreements, abuse, mergers. Covered in its own chapter |
| State aid | Arts 107–109 TFEU | Member States may not selectively advantage undertakings in a way that distorts competition. Live for AI: public compute subsidies and national champion programmes are state aid questions |
| Internal market freedoms | Arts 34, 45, 49, 56, 63 TFEU | Free movement of goods, workers, establishment, services, capital. The constitutional backdrop against which digital regulation is justified |
| Consumer protection | UCPD 2005/29; CRD 2011/83; UCTD 93/13 | Goanta's territory. Unfair commercial practices, information duties, unfair terms. Dark patterns are increasingly analysed here as well as under the DSA |
| Sector regulation | Telecoms, energy, financial services | *Ex ante* obligations on designated firms. The DMA borrows this architecture and applies it to platforms, which is why it feels like regulation rather than competition law |
| Data and digital | GDPR, DMA, DSA, Data Act, AI Act | The package. Read as a single reconstitution of economic law for a digitised economy rather than as five separate statutes |
6. How this connects to ATLANTIS
| Strand | The economic-law question underneath it |
|---|---|
| Accuracy | Can a computational finding meet an evidential standard? This is the error-cost problem made quantitative — and it requires a calibrated posterior and a stated cost ratio, neither of which exists |
| Fairness | Which errors are acceptable, and to whom? The impossibility results mean this cannot be settled technically, so it is a normative choice currently being made by default parameters |
| Institutional arrangements | Who validates the authority's own instrument? Sector regulation has precedents for supervising a supervisor; competition law does not, and the AI Act's sandboxes assume a firm bringing a product to a regulator rather than the inverse |
7. What is unexplored, and three projects
| Project | The question | How you would do it |
|---|---|---|
| The error-cost framework, quantified | Forty years of rhetorical argument about false positives against false negatives, and nobody has written the loss function down | Formalise the threshold rule above. Elicit implied cost ratios from decided cases and from the fine-setting guidelines — the revealed ratio is recoverable from what authorities actually did. Then compare it with the ratio implied by a screen's operating threshold. If they differ, the tool is operating at a cost ratio the institution never chose, and that is a finding |
| Market definition as a measurement-validity problem | HHI measures your market definition more than it measures concentration. How sensitive are findings to definitional choices? | Take decided cases with published share data, perturb the market definition across the range the parties actually argued for, and report how often the dominance finding flips. Cheap, purely doctrinal inputs, and nobody has published it. It is the overfitting argument applied to market definition |
| Operationalising contestability | The DMA is built on contestability and does not define how to measure it | Build candidate indicators — entry and exit rates, share volatility, time-to-scale for entrants, switching rates — and test them against markets where contestability was later demonstrated by actual entry. A trajectory measure validated retrospectively, which is the administrable test complexity economics is missing |
8. Your CV, mapped onto this chapter
| From this chapter | What you can genuinely claim |
|---|---|
| Error-cost as a decision problem | Direct. You have computed thresholds, false discovery rates and the base-rate inversion, and your paper reports exact tests rather than approximations |
| Measurement validity | Your crimes-against-women paper is entirely about a measurement problem masquerading as a behavioural finding — police records measure reporting, not offending. That is the same structure as a screen measuring detection rather than collusion |
| Path dependence and adaptive agents | The Bayesian Structural Time Series isolating the 2013 Amendment as an administrative reporting shock of about 88,879 cases a year is precisely a case of the measurement system responding to an intervention |
| Agent-based modelling | Do not claim it. You have not built one. You can discuss what it supports — possibility claims, not predictions |
| Econometrics | Be careful. You have hierarchical mixed-effects models, fixed-effects panel regression and causal inference, which is genuine applied econometrics. You do not have industrial organisation theory, and the two are not the same. Claim the first, disclaim the second |
| Complexity science | Claim familiarity with the concepts, not expertise. The honest line: *I have read the complexity-minded antitrust argument and I think the open problem is operational — turning a trajectory into something that meets an evidential standard* |
9. If you remember ten things
- Economic law is broader than antitrust — competition, state aid, internal market, consumer, sector regulation. The Digital Acts are one reconstitution of it, not five statutes.
- He is critical of both the neoclassical mainstream and the neo-Brandeisians, describing both as reductionist. Do not arrive in a camp.
- Complexity economics: markets evolve rather than settle. Emergence, non-linearity, path dependence, feedback loops, adaptive agents. Lineage runs through W. Brian Arthur.
- HHI is the sum of squared shares and it measures your market definition more than it measures concentration. That is the point to make, not the arithmetic.
- Cross-price elasticity is the empirical core of market definition — and it is undefined at a zero price, which is what digital markets actually broke.
- Lerner index: markup over price, equal to minus one over elasticity. Marginal cost is near zero for software, so it approaches 1 for anyone charging anything.
- Act when the posterior exceeds C-FP over C-FP plus C-FN. That needs a calibrated probability and a stated cost ratio. Neither exists in any instrument, so the operating threshold is an artefact.
- Agent-based models support possibility claims, not predictions. Keeping that line is the difference between a contribution and an unfalsifiable model.
- The fair criticism of complexity framing is that it has no administrable test yet — and *we cannot predict* is also an argument for inaction. State the objection; offer the measurement as the fix.
- Every school failed on a measurement problem, and ATLANTIS is a measurement project. That is the sentence that makes the accuracy strand central rather than peripheral.